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Contact Sexual Offending by Men With Online Sexual Offenses;
Annals of Sex Research · December 2010
Abstract
There is much concern about the likelihood that online sexual offenders particularly online child pornography offenders) have either committed or will commit offline sexual offenses involving contact with a victim. This study addresses this question in two metaanalyses:
[1] the first examined the contact sexual offense histories of online offenders,
whereas
[2] the second examined the recidivism rates from follow-up studies of online
offenders.
[1] The first meta-analysis found that approximately 1 in 8 online offenders (12%)
have an officially known contact sexual offense history at the time of their index offense (k = 21, N = 4,464). Approximately one in two (55%) online offenders admitted to a contact sexual offense in the six studies that had self-report data (N = 523).
[2] The second meta-analysis revealed that 4.6% of online offenders committed a new sexual offense of some kind during a 1.5- to 6-year follow-up (k = 9, N = 2,630); 2.0% committed a contact sexual offense and 3.4% committed a new child pornography offense.
The results of these two quantitative reviews suggest that there may be a distinct subgroup of online-only offenders who pose relatively low risk of committing
contact sexual offenses in the future.
Abstract
There is much concern about the likelihood that online sexual offenders particularly online child pornography offenders) have either committed or will commit offline sexual offenses involving contact with a victim. This study addresses this question in two metaanalyses:
[1] the first examined the contact sexual offense histories of online offenders,
whereas
[2] the second examined the recidivism rates from follow-up studies of online
offenders.
[1] The first meta-analysis found that approximately 1 in 8 online offenders (12%)
have an officially known contact sexual offense history at the time of their index offense (k = 21, N = 4,464). Approximately one in two (55%) online offenders admitted to a contact sexual offense in the six studies that had self-report data (N = 523).
[2] The second meta-analysis revealed that 4.6% of online offenders committed a new sexual offense of some kind during a 1.5- to 6-year follow-up (k = 9, N = 2,630); 2.0% committed a contact sexual offense and 3.4% committed a new child pornography offense.
The results of these two quantitative reviews suggest that there may be a distinct subgroup of online-only offenders who pose relatively low risk of committing
contact sexual offenses in the future.
;
Pornography Use and Sexual Aggression;
Aggressive Behavior;
35, 1-11
In this study, we examined the unique contribution of pornography consumption to the longitudinal prediction of criminal recidivism in a sample of 341 child molesters. We specifically tested the hypothesis, based on predictions informed by the confluence model of sexual aggression that pornography will be a risk factor for recidivism only for those individuals classified as relatively high risk for re-offending. [...]
Results for both frequency and type of pornography use were generally consistent with our predictions. Most importantly, after controlling for general and specific risk factors for sexual aggression, pornography added significantly to the prediction of recidivism. Statistical interactions indicated
(1) that frequency of pornography use was primarily a risk factor for higher-risk offenders, when compared with lower-risk offenders, and
(2) that content of pornography (i.e., pornography containing deviant content) was a risk factor for all groups. The importance of conceptualizing particular risk factors (e.g., pornography), within the context of other individual characteristics is discussed.
In this study, we examined the unique contribution of pornography consumption to the longitudinal prediction of criminal recidivism in a sample of 341 child molesters. We specifically tested the hypothesis, based on predictions informed by the confluence model of sexual aggression that pornography will be a risk factor for recidivism only for those individuals classified as relatively high risk for re-offending. [...]
Results for both frequency and type of pornography use were generally consistent with our predictions. Most importantly, after controlling for general and specific risk factors for sexual aggression, pornography added significantly to the prediction of recidivism. Statistical interactions indicated
(1) that frequency of pornography use was primarily a risk factor for higher-risk offenders, when compared with lower-risk offenders, and
(2) that content of pornography (i.e., pornography containing deviant content) was a risk factor for all groups. The importance of conceptualizing particular risk factors (e.g., pornography), within the context of other individual characteristics is discussed.
;
The consumption of Internet child pornography and violent and sex offending;
BMC Psychiatry, Jul 14 2009;
July 14, 2009,
There is an ongoing debate on whether consumers of child pornography pose a risk for hands-on sex offenses. Up until now, there have been very few studies which have analyzed the association between the consumption of child pornography and the subsequent perpetration of hands-on sex offenses.
The aim of this study was to examine the recidivism rates for hands-on and hands-off sex offenses in a sample of child pornography users using a 6 year follow-up design.
Conclusion:
Consuming child pornography alone is not a risk factor for committing hands-on sex offenses – at least not for those subjects who had never committed a hands-on sex offense. The majority of the investigated consumers had no previous convictions for hands-on sex offenses. For those offenders, the prognosis for hands-on sex offenses, as well as for recidivism with child pornography, is favorable.
There is an ongoing debate on whether consumers of child pornography pose a risk for hands-on sex offenses. Up until now, there have been very few studies which have analyzed the association between the consumption of child pornography and the subsequent perpetration of hands-on sex offenses.
The aim of this study was to examine the recidivism rates for hands-on and hands-off sex offenses in a sample of child pornography users using a 6 year follow-up design.
Conclusion:
Consuming child pornography alone is not a risk factor for committing hands-on sex offenses – at least not for those subjects who had never committed a hands-on sex offense. The majority of the investigated consumers had no previous convictions for hands-on sex offenses. For those offenders, the prognosis for hands-on sex offenses, as well as for recidivism with child pornography, is favorable.
;
Public Safety, Individual Liberty, and Suspect Science;
Temple Law Review
In recent decades, federal, state, and local governments have become increasingly restrictive on the freedom and privacy of those labeled sexually violent predators (“SVP”s) in hopes of preventing further sexual violence. The most commonly used tools to manage SVPs are involuntary commitments for mental treatment, sex offender registration, and residency restrictions (hereinafter “SVP laws”).
This article critically analyzes whether future dangerousness assessments using actuarial tools are responsive to legal standards contained in SVP laws and whether courts, when confronted with such assessments, are adequately engaging in the gatekeeper role to accept only good science considering the evidentiary benchmarks of Daubert and Frye.
Specifically, this article concludes that because of uncritical reliance upon actuarial assessments of future dangerousness, legal professionals have largely failed to grasp the significant empirical limitations of these tests.
In recent decades, federal, state, and local governments have become increasingly restrictive on the freedom and privacy of those labeled sexually violent predators (“SVP”s) in hopes of preventing further sexual violence. The most commonly used tools to manage SVPs are involuntary commitments for mental treatment, sex offender registration, and residency restrictions (hereinafter “SVP laws”).
This article critically analyzes whether future dangerousness assessments using actuarial tools are responsive to legal standards contained in SVP laws and whether courts, when confronted with such assessments, are adequately engaging in the gatekeeper role to accept only good science considering the evidentiary benchmarks of Daubert and Frye.
Specifically, this article concludes that because of uncritical reliance upon actuarial assessments of future dangerousness, legal professionals have largely failed to grasp the significant empirical limitations of these tests.
;
Fear of Relapse,
Mar 21 2012
What moved the inhabitants? Fear of relapse of the man Karl.
Is this fear realistic?
Are there figures about relapse? Yes.
[...]
These figures represent cases of child sexual abuse, of which every case is one too much, so they are a cause for concern, but not a cause to panic - at least not a cause to attack people, to ban people from the community and by doing so increasing their feelings of anxiety and stress, thus increasing the chance of relapse. The same figures are a cause to find other ways of acting.
What moved the inhabitants? Fear of relapse of the man Karl.
Is this fear realistic?
Are there figures about relapse? Yes.
[...]
These figures represent cases of child sexual abuse, of which every case is one too much, so they are a cause for concern, but not a cause to panic - at least not a cause to attack people, to ban people from the community and by doing so increasing their feelings of anxiety and stress, thus increasing the chance of relapse. The same figures are a cause to find other ways of acting.
;
Sex Offender Myths: The Foundation for Sex Offender Laws,
Mar 01 2011
Nine myths about 'pedophiles' and 'sex offenders' ... often seen as synonyms ...
"The most misused word is pedophile. The psychiatric definition denotes strong sexual arousal and urges for pre-pubescent children; the legal usage is applied to all offenders with a minor victim, which is misleading since not all “child molesters” are “pedophiles”."
Nine myths about 'pedophiles' and 'sex offenders' ... often seen as synonyms ...
"The most misused word is pedophile. The psychiatric definition denotes strong sexual arousal and urges for pre-pubescent children; the legal usage is applied to all offenders with a minor victim, which is misleading since not all “child molesters” are “pedophiles”."
;
Low reoffending risk found for child porn users,
Mar 11 2012
REOFFENDING rates by child pornography users are far below rates for assaults, drink-driving or property damage, with fewer than one in 10 people who download sexual images of minors later convicted of the crime again.
Despite community concern about the dangers posed by convicted child pornography users, new Corrections Victoria figures reveal only about 7.5 per cent are found to reoffend.
REOFFENDING rates by child pornography users are far below rates for assaults, drink-driving or property damage, with fewer than one in 10 people who download sexual images of minors later convicted of the crime again.
Despite community concern about the dangers posed by convicted child pornography users, new Corrections Victoria figures reveal only about 7.5 per cent are found to reoffend.
;
Myths and misconceptions about sex offenders.;
The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality.;
6(4), ,
Sep 01 1997
One of the clearest articles addressing the current sad state of affairs regarding valid research on the topic of pedophilia.
Individuals who commit sex crimes present problems for everyone who deals with or is affected by them. Among those who commit such crimes, some are caught, some are convicted, and some are eventually sent to mental health care providers. Although many are never caught and never get help, a growing number seek help through such avenues as: self-help groups like Sex and Love Addicts Anonymous; chat-rooms on the internet; reading books and watching afternoon talk shows; or presenting with vague or unusual complaints (e.g., "Doc, I think I like sex too much"). They are, by definition, criminal and they are always in hiding, despised even by other criminals. They are the subject of increasing media attention which is at once salacious, superficially probing, and almost universally condemning. Victims of sex crimes have become increasingly vocal and have lobbied for the attention of politicians who, in turn, have become convinced that sex crimes are a new epidemic which cries out for corrective legislative countermeasures.
With so many powerful interest groups converging on the issue of sex offenders and what to do with them, it is important that the scientific community be sure of what it is saying. It is important that mental health experts make clear how much of what they are saying is opinion and how much is known scientifically. When a statement is communicated as a fact, it is important that the reasons for believing it and the limitations of evidence supporting the "fact" be stated.
The topic of treatment of sex offenders is a "hot potato" that, if not handled correctly, will damage the reputation of the mental health field. Unfortunately, this is among the most complex, controversial, and political topics faced by mental health care professionals. There seems to be something about sex that makes even scientists stop thinking logically.
[...]
Statements that are poorly supported by the scientific literature are made daily about the nature of sex offenders, even by experts. The purpose of this paper is to alert those who deal with sexual offences and sex offenders to some common assumptions that are poorly supported by scientific evidence.
One of the clearest articles addressing the current sad state of affairs regarding valid research on the topic of pedophilia.
Individuals who commit sex crimes present problems for everyone who deals with or is affected by them. Among those who commit such crimes, some are caught, some are convicted, and some are eventually sent to mental health care providers. Although many are never caught and never get help, a growing number seek help through such avenues as: self-help groups like Sex and Love Addicts Anonymous; chat-rooms on the internet; reading books and watching afternoon talk shows; or presenting with vague or unusual complaints (e.g., "Doc, I think I like sex too much"). They are, by definition, criminal and they are always in hiding, despised even by other criminals. They are the subject of increasing media attention which is at once salacious, superficially probing, and almost universally condemning. Victims of sex crimes have become increasingly vocal and have lobbied for the attention of politicians who, in turn, have become convinced that sex crimes are a new epidemic which cries out for corrective legislative countermeasures.
With so many powerful interest groups converging on the issue of sex offenders and what to do with them, it is important that the scientific community be sure of what it is saying. It is important that mental health experts make clear how much of what they are saying is opinion and how much is known scientifically. When a statement is communicated as a fact, it is important that the reasons for believing it and the limitations of evidence supporting the "fact" be stated.
The topic of treatment of sex offenders is a "hot potato" that, if not handled correctly, will damage the reputation of the mental health field. Unfortunately, this is among the most complex, controversial, and political topics faced by mental health care professionals. There seems to be something about sex that makes even scientists stop thinking logically.
[...]
Statements that are poorly supported by the scientific literature are made daily about the nature of sex offenders, even by experts. The purpose of this paper is to alert those who deal with sexual offences and sex offenders to some common assumptions that are poorly supported by scientific evidence.
;
Of Myths And Monsters;
The Cypress Times,
Nov 24 2009
Most of what our society believes about sex offenders is not true. Below are just a few of the beliefs we were taught that are either misleading or completely untrue: [... ... ... ...]
We need to seriously consider what truly works, not what simply feeds our anger and fear and makes us “feel good. [...] There are ways to address this issue from a realistic standpoint. [...]
In our narrow focus on the “Registered Sex Offender,” we tend to forget the big picture. Appeals to emotion rather than reason helped create a legal system of perpetual brokenness for victims, offenders, and the community alike.
Most of what our society believes about sex offenders is not true. Below are just a few of the beliefs we were taught that are either misleading or completely untrue: [... ... ... ...]
We need to seriously consider what truly works, not what simply feeds our anger and fear and makes us “feel good. [...] There are ways to address this issue from a realistic standpoint. [...]
In our narrow focus on the “Registered Sex Offender,” we tend to forget the big picture. Appeals to emotion rather than reason helped create a legal system of perpetual brokenness for victims, offenders, and the community alike.
;
Sexual behavior intervention program: an innovative level of care in male sex offender treatment. (PRACTICE)(Report);
Journal of Mental Health Counseling,
Oct 01 2008
The literature does not provide practical, targeted alternatives to prosecution and incarceration for sexual offenders deemed at low risk for recidivism. The Sexual Behavior Intervention Program (SBIP) is an innovative level of care in male sex offender treatment that offers communities an option for treating sexual misconduct. SBIP is a focused, psychoeducational program rooted in the restorative justice model, one that attempts to meet the needs of both individuals and the community.
The literature does not provide practical, targeted alternatives to prosecution and incarceration for sexual offenders deemed at low risk for recidivism. The Sexual Behavior Intervention Program (SBIP) is an innovative level of care in male sex offender treatment that offers communities an option for treating sexual misconduct. SBIP is a focused, psychoeducational program rooted in the restorative justice model, one that attempts to meet the needs of both individuals and the community.